Suicide in Sweden: An Analysis of Trends, Demographic Profiles and Socioeconomic Factors (2019-2023)

I. Introduction: Suicide in Sweden – A Public Health Overview

A. Contextualization of Suicide as a Public Health Concern

Suicide represents a profound public health challenge globally and within Sweden, characterized by its significant contribution to premature mortality and the extensive distress it causes.1 Annually, worldwide estimates indicate over 700,000 deaths by suicide.1 In Sweden, the yearly figure ranges from approximately 1,200 to 1,500 individuals.1 This number often increases when deaths classified as "undetermined intent" are considered, as a substantial portion of these cases are suspected suicides.1 The repercussions of each suicide are far-reaching, deeply affecting families, friends, and the broader societal fabric.1

B. Report Focus and Scope

This report offers a comprehensive research overview of suicide in Sweden, concentrating on the period from 2019 to the most recent available official statistics, which primarily extend to 2023 for mortality data, with some 2024 information available for suicidal ideation. The analysis examines key demographic variables, including employment status, gender, and age, synthesizing these factors to delineate a risk profile. The term "redundant" as a specific category of job loss is not commonly detailed in the primary statistical sources; therefore, this report addresses it through available data on individuals classified as "unemployed" or "not in the labour force."

C. Methodological Note on Data Sources

The findings presented herein are derived from primary data sources, including official statistics compiled by the Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare (Socialstyrelsen), the Public Health Agency of Sweden (Folkhälsomyndigheten), and the National Centre for Suicide Research and Prevention (NASP) at Karolinska Institutet. A critical aspect of Swedish suicide statistics is the frequent inclusion of deaths of "undetermined intent" (often classified under ICD-10 codes Y10-Y34 or E980-E989) alongside "determined" suicides (ICD-10 codes X60-X84 or E950-E959). This practice is adopted because a significant percentage of deaths of undetermined intent are believed to be suicides upon further investigation.1 For instance, NASP consistently includes both secure and unsure (undetermined) diagnoses in their presented statistics, reflecting an expert consensus that this combined approach offers a more accurate representation of the true incidence of suicide.7

II. National Suicide Statistics and Trends in Sweden (2019-2023/Latest Available)

A. Annual Suicide Figures (Determined and Undetermined Intent)

The total number of suicides in Sweden, encompassing both determined suicides and deaths of undetermined intent, has shown some fluctuation in recent years.

In 2019, there were 1,588 such deaths (1,269 determined suicides and 319 deaths of undetermined intent).12

For 2020, the total number of suicides (determined and undetermined) was 1,482, based on a national suicide rate of 17.0 per 100,000 for individuals aged 15 and over.13 The Public Health Agency of Sweden noted that fewer suicides were registered during the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic than some had feared.8

In 2021, the total count was 1,505 (1,226 determined suicides and 279 deaths of undetermined intent).15

The figure for 2022 was 1,569 suicides (determined and undetermined intent).7

Most recently, in 2023, a total of 1,617 suicides (determined and undetermined intent) were recorded.7 In 2023, 18% of these combined deaths were classified as being of undetermined intent.7

The consistent inclusion of "deaths of undetermined intent" by Swedish statistical bodies like NASP and in comprehensive figures from Folkhälsomyndigheten is noteworthy. Official figures for "determined suicides" alone likely underestimate the true scale of suicide mortality. Psychological autopsy studies have suggested that as much as 70-75% of deaths of undetermined intent may indeed be suicides.1 This methodological approach, therefore, provides a more complete and realistic picture of the suicide burden in Sweden.

B. National Suicide Rates and Fluctuations

The overall suicide rate in Sweden for the population aged 15 and over (including undetermined intent) was 18.4 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2023.7 If considering only determined suicides, the rate was 15.2 per 100,000 in 2023.5

Examining the year-to-year fluctuations in the combined (determined and undetermined) suicide rate per 100,000 individuals aged 15 and over:

2019: 19.0 7

2020: 17.0 7

2021: 17.6 7

2022: 18.0 7

2023: 18.4 7

While the suicide rate in Sweden has seen a significant decrease from its peak in the 1970s, this decline has decelerated over the past two decades.5 The period from 2019 to 2023 shows a notable dip in 2020, followed by a gradual increase in the subsequent years. This pattern during the COVID-19 pandemic, where an initial decrease was observed contrary to some fears, followed by a rise, may suggest that any protective factors during the early pandemic were temporary, or that delayed negative societal or economic impacts are now becoming apparent.

C. Suicidal Ideation

Regarding suicidal thoughts, data from 2024 indicates that just under 4% of the Swedish population aged 16 and older reported experiencing suicidal thoughts in the past year. This prevalence was similar for men and women. The highest proportion reporting such thoughts was in the 16-29 age group (8%), contrasting with 1% among those aged 65 and older.8 Earlier data from 2020 showed that 3% of the population (16-84 years) reported suicidal thoughts in the past year, with the 16-29 age group again showing the highest prevalence at 7%.12

The following provides an overview of annual suicides and rates for the 2019-2023 period.

Annual Suicides in Sweden (Determined and Undetermined Intent), 2019-2023

2019

Total Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1588

Male Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1091 (approx. 69%)*

Female Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 497 (approx. 31%)*

Overall Suicide Rate (per 100,000, 15+ years, Determined + Undetermined): 19.0

2020

Total Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1482 (calculated from rate)

Male Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1023 (approx. 69%)*

Female Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 459 (approx. 31%)*

Overall Suicide Rate (per 100,000, 15+ years, Determined + Undetermined): 17.0

2021

Total Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1505

Male Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1052 (approx. 70%)*

Female Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 453 (approx. 30%)*

Overall Suicide Rate (per 100,000, 15+ years, Determined + Undetermined): 17.6

2022

Total Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1569

Male Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1102

Female Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 467

Overall Suicide Rate (per 100,000, 15+ years, Determined + Undetermined): 18.0

2023

Total Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1617

Male Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 1132

Female Suicides (Number, Determined + Undetermined): 485

Overall Suicide Rate (per 100,000, 15+ years, Determined + Undetermined): 18.4 Sources: Total numbers and rates from.7 Gender breakdown for 2022 & 2023 from.7 For 2019-2021, gender breakdown is estimated based on the consistent ~70/30% split reported in 6 and applied to total numbers. More precise gendered numbers for 2019-2021 are not directly available in a single combined table in the provided material but can be inferred from various age/gender specific tables if needed for deeper analysis.

III. The Gender Dimension of Suicide in Sweden

A. Predominance of Suicide Among Men

A consistent and striking feature of suicide statistics in Sweden is the pronounced gender disparity. Men account for approximately 70% of all deaths by suicide.6 This pattern remained stable throughout the 2019-2023 period. For example, in 2023, 1,132 of the 1,617 total suicides (including deaths of undetermined intent) were men, equating to 70%.7

The suicide rate for men is significantly higher than for women. In 2023, the rate for determined suicides among men aged 15 and over was 22 per 100,000, more than double the rate of 9 per 100,000 for women.8 Historically, men have been 2.5 to 3 times more likely to die by suicide than women.1

B. Suicide Attempts: A Contrasting Gender Pattern

While men die by suicide more frequently, a contrasting pattern emerges when examining suicide attempts. Women report a higher number of suicide attempts and are more frequently hospitalized for intentional self-harm.6 Data from 2022 concerning inpatient care for suicide attempts (both secure and unsure diagnoses) indicated that women accounted for 62% of cases (4,566 individuals), whereas men accounted for 38% (2,817 individuals).20 This phenomenon, often termed the "gender paradox" in suicide research, highlights fundamental differences in how suicidal distress may manifest and be acted upon by men and women. It suggests variations in help-seeking behaviors, the societal response to male versus female distress, and critically, the lethality of methods chosen.

C. Factors Contributing to Gender Disparity

Several factors are thought to contribute to this gender disparity in completed suicides. Men are reported to be more severely affected by psychosocial and socioeconomic challenges, such as unemployment, divorce, and financial difficulties, in terms of completed suicide.6 This differential impact may be linked to traditional societal roles and expectations, where economic or personal setbacks might constitute a more acute psychological blow for men.

Furthermore, the choice of suicide method plays a significant role. Men tend to use methods with higher and more immediate lethality, such as hanging or firearms, compared to women, who more commonly use methods like poisoning, which may allow for a greater chance of intervention or survival.6 This difference in method choice is a key contributor to the higher rate of completed suicides among men despite a higher rate of attempts among women.

IV. Age-Related Patterns in Swedish Suicide Data (2019-2023/Latest Available)

Suicide occurs across all age groups in Sweden, but both the absolute numbers and the population-adjusted rates show significant variation with age.

A. Overall Age Distribution

Data for 2023, including both determined suicides and deaths of undetermined intent, provide a recent snapshot of this distribution 7:

0-14 years: 12 deaths (Men: 5, Women: 7)

15-24 years: 137 deaths (Men: 92, Women: 45)

25-44 years: 481 deaths (Men: 346, Women: 135)

45-64 years: 539 deaths (Men: 369, Women: 170) – This group consistently records the highest absolute number of suicides.

65+ years: 448 deaths (Men: 320, Women: 128)

A similar pattern was observed in 2022, with the 45-64 age group also having the highest absolute number of suicides (532 deaths).7

B. High-Risk Age Groups – Focus on Older Adults

Men aged 85 years and older consistently exhibit the highest suicide rates.5 In 2023, the rate for determined suicides in men aged 85 and over was 54.2 per 100,000 inhabitants 5, or 53 per 100,000 according to other tabulations from Socialstyrelsen's Cause of Death Register.8 While these rates are alarmingly high, the absolute number of suicides in this oldest age cohort is lower than in middle-aged groups. This is due to the smaller population size of the 85+ demographic.5 For instance, in 2023, there were 55 deaths by suicide among men aged 85 and older, compared to 300 deaths among men aged 45-64.5 This distinction between high rates in a smaller, highly vulnerable elderly population and high absolute numbers in a larger middle-aged population is critical. It implies that prevention strategies must be tailored differently: for the elderly, addressing intense vulnerability, and for the middle-aged, tackling a broader public health burden in terms of total lives and productive years lost.1

C. Trends Among Young People (15-29 years)

While overall suicide rates in Sweden have declined historically, this trend has slowed, and for young people (variously defined across reports, e.g., 15-24 years or 20-29 years), rates have not shown a consistent decrease. In fact, some segments within this young demographic have experienced slight increases in suicide rates over certain periods.5 For example, suicides among 20-29-year-olds were reported to have increased by approximately 1.8% per year between 2006 and 2020.6

Suicide is a leading cause of death for young people aged 15-29, accounting for roughly one-third of all deaths in this age group.1 This high proportion is partly because mortality from other causes, such as illness, is relatively low in younger populations. The suicide rates (determined and undetermined intent) per 100,000 for the 15-24 age group were: 14.4 in 2019, 12.8 in 2020, 12.0 in 2021, a notable dip to 9.8 in 2022, and then a rise to 11.5 in 2023.7 This volatility and the general concern over stagnation or increases in youth suicide rates suggest that factors uniquely affecting this demographic may be counteracting broader preventive successes achieved in other age groups.

D. Middle-Aged Adults (45-64 years)

As highlighted, individuals in the 45-64 age bracket consistently account for the highest absolute number of suicides in Sweden.5 In 2023, 539 suicides occurred in this age group.7 The suicide rates (determined and undetermined intent) per 100,000 for this group were: 21.1 in 2019, 19.6 in 2020, 20.2 in 2021, 20.8 in 2022, and 21.0 in 2023.7

The following details suicides by age group and gender for 2023, including both determined suicides and deaths of undetermined intent.

Suicides by Detailed Age Group and Gender in Sweden, 2023 (Including Determined and Undetermined Intent)

0-14 yrs

Male Suicides (Number): 5

Male Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: N/A

Female Suicides (Number): 7

Female Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: N/A

Total Suicides (Number): 12

Total Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: N/A

15-24 yrs

Male Suicides (Number): 92

Male Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 14 (15-29 yrs)

Female Suicides (Number): 45

Female Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 8 (15-29 yrs)

Total Suicides (Number): 137

Total Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 11.5 (15-24 yrs)

25-44 yrs

Male Suicides (Number): 346

Male Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 20 (30-44 yrs)

Female Suicides (Number): 135

Female Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 8 (30-44 yrs)

Total Suicides (Number): 481

Total Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 17.2 (25-44 yrs)

45-64 yrs

Male Suicides (Number): 369

Male Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 23

Female Suicides (Number): 170

Female Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 10

Total Suicides (Number): 539

Total Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 21.0

65+ yrs

Male Suicides (Number): 320

Male Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 24 (65-84 yrs), 53 (85+ yrs)

Female Suicides (Number): 128

Female Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 9 (65-84 yrs), 10 (85+ yrs)

Total Suicides (Number): 448

Total Suicide Rate (per 100,000)*: 20.7 (65+ yrs) Sources: Absolute numbers from.7 Rates for 15-24, 25-44, 45-64, 65+ combined are from 7 (total population rates). Specific gender/age bracket rates for determined suicides are from 8 (e.g., 15-29, 30-44, 65-84, 85+). N/A for 0-14 as rates are typically not calculated for this group in the same manner. The age groupings for rates vary slightly between sources, so the closest available is provided.

V. Socioeconomic Factors and Their Link to Suicide

Socioeconomic factors play a significant role in suicide risk, with strong associations found between employment status, educational attainment, economic hardship, and suicidal outcomes.

A. Impact of Employment Status

Unemployment is consistently identified as a substantial risk factor for suicide, with a particularly pronounced impact on men.

Australian data from 2011-2017, which referenced Swedish Socialstyrelsen practices, indicated that the cumulative suicide risk for unemployed males was 2.5 times higher than for employed males. For males not in the labour force, the risk was 3.2 times higher.24

A Swedish report from Suicide Zero, synthesizing various studies, stated that unemployment is associated with a threefold higher risk of suicide for men. Critically, the transition from employment to receiving economic assistance was linked to a more than fivefold increase in risk. Individuals on sick leave or early retirement faced an almost eightfold higher risk compared to those who remained employed.6

Data from Statistics Sweden (SCB) for the period 2015-2019 confirmed that individuals who become unemployed, rely on economic assistance instead of earned income, or are unable to work due to illness (receiving sickness or activity compensation) have a significantly elevated risk of suicide.25

The stress associated with job loss and the accompanying change in status appears to affect men severely.6 Long-term unemployment, especially during periods of low national unemployment (when being jobless might feel more isolating), is also linked to higher suicide risk in men.6

For women, while employment is also associated with the lowest suicide risk, the difference in risk between those not in the labour force and those unemployed was less pronounced than for men. Females not in the labour force had a 2.6 times higher risk, and unemployed females a 2.7 times higher risk, than their employed counterparts, according to the 2011-2017 Australian data.24

In 2020, 41% of individuals aged 20-64 who were outside the workforce and receiving sickness/activity benefits or early retirement reported reduced psychological well-being, compared to 15% among those who were employed.25 Sleep problems were also reported to be more common among unemployed or sick-listed individuals.12

The significantly increased risk observed during the transition from employment to unemployment or economic assistance underscores a period of acute vulnerability. The shock, loss of identity and status, and financial uncertainty associated with this change appear to be potent stressors, potentially more impactful in the short term than chronic unemployment for some individuals.

B. Influence of Educational Attainment

Lower levels of educational attainment are consistently linked to an increased risk of suicide.

Males with only secondary school education or no formal education were found to have a 2.6 times higher cumulative suicide risk compared to males with a university degree (Australian data 2011-2017).24

The Public Health Agency of Sweden notes that suicide rates are higher among those with only pre-secondary education.5

SCB data for 2015-2019 indicated that mortality from suicide was highest for individuals with pre-secondary education, at a rate of 24-25 per 100,000.25

In Stockholm, suicide attempts were reported to be at least twice as common among individuals with pre-secondary education compared to those with a gymnasium (upper secondary) education, and six times more common than among those with post-secondary education.9

C. Other Socioeconomic Correlates

Economic Difficulties/Low Income: Financial hardship, including over-indebtedness, is associated with an increased risk of suicide.2 Suicidal thoughts are more prevalent in lower-income groups; in 2020, 6% of individuals in the lowest income quintile reported suicidal thoughts in the past year, compared to 2% in the highest income quintile.12

Urban versus Rural Disparities: Suicide rates are generally higher in rural areas compared to urban centers.5 This disparity is particularly evident for men, with those living in rural municipalities exhibiting significantly higher suicide rates than men in metropolitan areas.6 Consequently, the gender gap in suicide rates tends to be smaller in cities and considerably larger in sparsely populated municipalities.6

The data strongly suggest a cumulative and interactive effect of these socioeconomic disadvantages. While each factor—unemployment, low education, economic hardship, rural living—is a risk marker individually, their co-occurrence in an individual likely amplifies the overall suicide risk beyond the sum of the individual parts. Men, in particular, appear more vulnerable to completed suicide as a result of these stressors, which may reflect how societal roles and expectations mediate the psychological impact of such adversities.

The following summarizes key risk indicators associated with employment and educational status.

Summary of Key Risk Ratios/Indicators for Suicide Associated with Employment and Educational Status in Sweden (Highlighting Data Period)

Employment Status - Men

Specific Group: Unemployed

Comparison Group: Employed

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: 2.5 times higher cumulative risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 24 (2011-2017, Australian data)

Specific Group: Not in Labour Force

Comparison Group: Employed

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: 3.2 times higher cumulative risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 24 (2011-2017, Australian data)

Specific Group: Unemployed

Comparison Group: Employed

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: Threefold higher risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 6 (Synthesized from various studies)

Specific Group: Transitioning to economic assistance

Comparison Group: Employed

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: More than fivefold higher risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 6 (Synthesized from various studies)

Specific Group: Sick leave / Early retirement

Comparison Group: Continued to work

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: Almost eightfold higher risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 6 (Synthesized from various studies)

Specific Group: Unemployed / Receiving economic assistance

Comparison Group: Employed / Earned income

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: Significantly higher risk of suicide

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 25 (SCB data 2015-2019)

Employment Status - Women

Specific Group: Unemployed

Comparison Group: Employed

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: 2.7 times higher cumulative risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 24 (2011-2017, Australian data)

Specific Group: Not in Labour Force

Comparison Group: Employed

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: 2.6 times higher cumulative risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 24 (2011-2017, Australian data)

Educational Attainment - Men

Specific Group: Secondary school or lower

Comparison Group: University degree

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: 2.6 times higher cumulative risk

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 24 (2011-2017, Australian data)

Educational Attainment - General

Specific Group: Pre-secondary education

Comparison Group: Higher education

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: Higher suicide rates

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 5 (General statement)

Specific Group: Pre-secondary education

Comparison Group: (Population avg.)

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: Suicide mortality 24-25 per 100,000 (highest group)

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 25 (SCB data 2015-2019)

Specific Group: Pre-secondary education

Comparison Group: Gymnasium

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: Suicide attempts at least twice as common

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 9 (Stockholm data)

Specific Group: Pre-secondary education

Comparison Group: Post-secondary

Reported Risk Ratio / Statistic / Key Finding: Suicide attempts six times more common

Source(s) & Data Period(s): 9 (Stockholm data)

VI. Synthesized Demographic Profile: The Individual at Highest Risk of Suicide in Sweden

Synthesizing the data on gender, age, and socioeconomic factors allows for the construction of a demographic profile of individuals at the highest risk of suicide in Sweden. It is crucial to recognize that this profile represents an intersection of multiple vulnerabilities rather than a single defining characteristic.

A. Core Demographic Indicators

Gender: The most prominent factor is being male. Men consistently account for approximately 70% of all suicides in Sweden.6

Age: The age dimension presents a nuanced picture.

Elderly men (85 years and older) exhibit the highest suicide rates.5

Middle-aged men (typically 45-64 years) account for the largest absolute number of suicides.5

Young adults (15-29 years) also represent a group with concerning trends, where suicide is a leading cause of death and rates have shown periods of increase or stagnation.1

B. Socioeconomic Status

Employment: Individuals who are unemployed, have recently experienced job loss (especially those transitioning to economic assistance), or are otherwise not in the labour force face a markedly higher risk.6

Education: A lower level of educational attainment (e.g., pre-secondary or only secondary school education) is a significant correlate of increased suicide risk.5

Economic Situation: Experiencing economic difficulties, financial stress, or over-indebtedness is strongly associated with heightened risk.2

C. Other Contributing Factors

Living Situation/Social Factors: For men, factors such as living alone, being divorced, or being a widower are associated with increased risk.6

Geographic Location: Residing in a rural municipality (particularly for men) or a socioeconomically disadvantaged area is linked to higher suicide rates.5

Mental Health: While not the sole determinant (mental disorders are estimated to have a population attributable risk for suicide of around 21% 1), underlying mental health conditions, particularly depression, are significant risk factors.21

D. Synthesized Profile

Based on the convergence of these factors, the individual in Sweden who appears most likely to die by suicide, considering both high rates and substantial numbers alongside key socioeconomic vulnerabilities, can be described as:

A man, who may be middle-aged (45-64 years, where the highest numbers of suicides occur) or elderly (85 years and older, where the highest rates are observed). This individual is likely to be unemployed, to have recently experienced job loss or a significant negative economic transition, or to be outside the active labour force. He often possesses a lower level of educational attainment and may be contending with economic hardship or financial instability. Socially, he might be living alone and could reside in a rural area or a community characterized by socioeconomic disadvantage.

This profile underscores that suicide risk is rarely attributable to a single cause but rather emerges from a complex interplay of demographic, social, and economic factors that create a state of heightened vulnerability. The distinction between the age group with the highest rates (elderly men) and the age group with the highest absolute numbers (middle-aged men) is vital, as both represent critical targets for public health intervention, albeit potentially requiring different approaches.

VII. Concluding Observations and Implications

A. Summary of Key Findings

This analysis of suicide in Sweden between 2019 and 2023 (or the latest available data) reveals several critical patterns. Overall suicide numbers, including deaths of undetermined intent, fluctuated, with a total of 1,617 such deaths in 2023, corresponding to a rate of 18.4 per 100,000 for those aged 15 and over. A consistent and dominant feature is the overrepresentation of men, who account for approximately 70% of all suicides.

Age-specific analysis highlights elderly men (85+) as having the highest suicide rates, while middle-aged men (45-64) experience the largest absolute number of suicides. Concerning trends persist among young adults (15-29 years), where suicide is a leading cause of death and rates have shown periods of stagnation or increase. Strong associations link socioeconomic adversity—particularly unemployment, recent job loss, lower educational attainment, and economic hardship—to increased suicide risk, with these factors disproportionately affecting men in terms of completed suicide.

B. Data Gaps and Limitations

Timeliness of Official Statistics: Official mortality statistics for completed suicides are subject to a time lag for collection, verification, and publication. Consequently, data for the full 2024-2025 period, as part of the initial query's timeframe, are not yet available and will not be for some time. This report relies on the latest comprehensive data, primarily up to 2023 for deaths. While some 2024 data on suicidal ideation exists 8, this is distinct from completed suicide statistics. This inherent delay poses a challenge for real-time public health surveillance and rapid response initiatives.

Specificity of "Redundancy": The term "redundant" is not a standard discrete category within the primary Swedish statistical sources reviewed. The analysis has therefore used broader classifications such as "unemployed," "not in the labour force," or descriptions of "job loss" and "transition to economic assistance" as proxies. A more granular understanding of the specific impact of formal redundancy processes would necessitate specialized studies or different data sources not available for this report. This limits the precision with which this specific aspect of job loss can be analyzed.

Causality: The findings presented identify strong correlations and significant risk factors associated with suicide. However, establishing direct causality from observational, population-level data is inherently complex. Suicide is a multifactorial phenomenon, and while these associations are crucial for identifying vulnerable groups, they do not imply a simple cause-and-effect relationship.

C. Implications for Prevention and Policy

The evidence compiled in this report carries significant implications for suicide prevention strategies and public policy in Sweden:

Targeted Interventions: There is a clear need for prevention strategies that are specifically tailored to high-risk demographic and socioeconomic groups. This includes a continued focus on men, particularly those experiencing unemployment, economic transitions, or financial distress. Elderly men, given their exceptionally high suicide rates, require dedicated attention and support systems.

Addressing Socioeconomic Determinants: Efforts to prevent suicide must extend beyond mental health services to address the broader socioeconomic determinants of health and well-being. Policies aimed at mitigating the impacts of unemployment, improving educational opportunities, reducing economic inequality, and supporting individuals through financial crises are integral components of a comprehensive suicide prevention approach.

Focus on Youth and Young Adults: The concerning trends observed among young adults warrant sustained monitoring and the development of age-appropriate preventive measures. These should consider the unique stressors and challenges faced by this demographic during critical life transitions.

Strengthening Support During Economic Transitions: The markedly elevated risk during the acute phase of job loss or transition to economic assistance highlights a critical window for intervention. Robust support systems providing financial, psychological, and re-employment assistance during such periods could be highly impactful.

Data-Driven Policy and Research: Continued investment in timely data collection and research, including studies that can provide more granular insights into factors like specific types of job loss (e.g., redundancy) and the interplay of multiple risk factors, is essential for refining and improving the effectiveness of prevention efforts.

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