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A Tale of Two Futures: What Hong Kong’s Fate Teaches Taiwan About Survival

Why Taiwan’s Future May Diverge From Hong Kong’s—and What Beijing Still Isn’t Ready to Face

By Lawrence LeasePublished 2 months ago 6 min read
A Tale of Two Futures: What Hong Kong’s Fate Teaches Taiwan About Survival
Photo by Timo Volz on Unsplash

In a world overflowing with geopolitical gray zones, no place embodies that ambiguity more profoundly than Taiwan — an island that has been tugged, traded, and ruled by competing empires for centuries. Today, it stands as a vibrant self-governing democracy caught between its own lived identity and the narrative Beijing desperately wants the world to adopt. Put less poetically: Xi Jinping really wants to control Taiwan. And most Taiwanese want absolutely nothing to do with that plan.

That hardening opposition marks one of the most important political shifts in East Asia — a shift that can’t be understood without looking closely at what happened in Hong Kong. The “one country, two systems” model once sold as the gentle glide path for peaceful reunification was revealed in 2019 to be a velvet glove hiding a fist made of cold steel.

So now, the question hangs in the air: What lessons can Taiwan actually draw from Hong Kong’s fall? And more importantly, are those lessons enough to help the island escape the same fate?

A Tale of Two Outposts

Taiwan and Hong Kong are often spoken of in the same breath, and not without reason. Both have been shaped — or manhandled — by multiple empires: Qing mandarins, European traders, Japanese colonial governors, and finally, the PRC.

Both are predominantly ethnic-Han societies, both once sat under the umbrella of pre-Communist China, and both have been central to Beijing’s national myth-making about the “century of humiliation.” Taking them back — along with Xinjiang and Tibet — forms the ideological backbone of the CCP’s claim to unshakeable historical destiny.

Three of those four territories now sit firmly under Beijing’s thumb. Only Taiwan remains outside its grip — a fact that gnaws at the Party’s legitimacy.

And Beijing knows it.

Hong Kong and Taiwan have long felt this shared pressure, strengthening ties through activism, intellectual exchange, and, in recent years, the flight of Hong Kong democracy advocates who fled to Taiwan after the 2019 crackdown. To the CCP, this makes Taiwan look less like an island and more like a lighthouse — a glowing reminder of an alternative Chinese future built around rights, freedom, and democratic expression.

A reminder Beijing would very much prefer didn’t exist.

But despite these parallels, Taiwan’s story diverges from Hong Kong’s in ways that matter — and perhaps in ways that might save it.

Where Hong Kong Fell — and Why Taiwan Isn’t Hong Kong

1. Sovereignty Isn’t Just Semantics

When Britain returned Hong Kong to China in 1997, the legal debate was essentially over. China owned Hong Kong. Beijing had obligations under the Sino-British Joint Declaration — but outside of moral pressure, nothing stopped the CCP from rewriting the rules.

When Beijing wanted to impose the 2020 national security law, there was no external force capable of stopping it. Sovereignty gave them the legal cover. Power did the rest.

Taiwan’s situation is fundamentally different.

Taiwan has been self-governing for over 75 years. It has its own military, currency, courts, and democratic system. Beijing has never ruled it. Any takeover would require not legal reinterpretation but outright conquest — a costlier, riskier, and globally destabilizing move.

That difference can’t be overstated.

2. Taiwan Has What Hong Kong Never Did: A Military

Hong Kong’s only defense was umbrellas, hard hats, and overwhelming bravery. Taiwan, on the other hand, has:

  • 215,000 active military personnel
  • Millions of reservists
  • Advanced missile systems, fighter jets, submarines
  • A geography that’s a nightmare for amphibious assaults
  • The 130-km Taiwan Strait is not a river crossing. It’s a moat.

Then there’s Washington. The U.S. maintains strategic ambiguity, but billions in arms sales and repeated presidential assurances strongly hint at a willingness to intervene — especially given Taiwan’s importance to the global economy.

Which brings us to the next point.

3. The Silicon Shield

China needed Hong Kong’s financial role in the early 2000s. But as Shanghai and Shenzhen grew, Hong Kong became less indispensable.

Taiwan is different.

The island manufactures:

  • 70% of the world’s smartphone chips
  • 90% of the most advanced chips
  • Core components in everything from iPhones to fighter jets to AI servers

If the world’s semiconductor pipeline suddenly collapsed, the global economy would crater. The phrase “too important to fail” rarely applies so literally.

No one wants a war over Taiwan — not because they love geopolitics, but because they love functioning economies.

4. Identity: Taiwan’s Strongest Shield

Identity isn’t academic here — it’s the backbone of political resistance.

Hong Kong’s separate identity was emerging but fragmented. Cultural ties to China remained strong, and Beijing exploited them.

Taiwan’s identity, by contrast, is decades deep.

  • Over 60% identify only as Taiwanese
  • 35% identify as both Taiwanese and Chinese
  • Less than 5% identify as solely Chinese

Those numbers grow stronger every generation.

After seeing Hong Kong’s freedoms crushed, Taiwan’s views shifted with lightning speed. In just six months of 2019:

  • Support for reunification fell from 22.7% to 13.6%
  • Support for independence rose from 35.1% to 49.7%

Beijing’s attempt to “woo” Taiwan back into the fold didn’t merely fail — it backfired spectacularly.

Infiltration: Beijing’s Soft Power Playbook

When brute force is too expensive, Beijing reaches for its quieter tools.

The United Front Playbook

Think of the CCP’s United Front Work Department as a shape-shifting hybrid of:

  • A propaganda ministry
  • An intelligence service
  • A political lobbying machine
  • A pressure-and-coercion network

Hong Kong was a warm target. Elite business leaders were courted. Civil society was infiltrated. Community groups were leveraged. Economic pressure did the rest.

In Taiwan, the strategy is similar but less effective.

The United Front targets:

  • Taiwanese business elites with mainland investments
  • Local media outlets
  • Cultural institutions, temples, and community groups
  • Political parties — especially the KMT

But Taiwan’s press is freer. Its democracy is more entrenched. Its institutions are better insulated. And Beijing can’t dangle the same economic carrots it weaponized in Hong Kong.

So, the CCP escalated.

Legal Pressure: When Politics Becomes Lawfare

Where Hong Kong had the Basic Law as its legal tripwire, Taiwan faces China’s Anti-Secession Law, passed in 2005, which authorizes “non-peaceful means” if Taiwan:

  • Declares independence
  • Loses internal stability
  • Or “exhausts possibilities for peaceful reunification”

Beijing also points to UN Resolution 2758 to argue that the world recognizes Taiwan as part of China — a claim Taiwan rejects, and not without reason.

Ironically, this messy ambiguity has helped maintain peace. Taiwan stays de facto independent. Beijing avoids formal provocation. The U.S. stays ambiguous.

It’s a terrible equilibrium — but an equilibrium nonetheless.

Information Warfare: The New Battlefield

When Beijing can’t control the police or the courts, it tries to control perception.

Hong Kong’s Information Suffocation

In Hong Kong, the national security law turned:

Journalists into dissidents

Newspapers into targets

Universities into monitored spaces

Online speech into potential criminal evidence

Dissent wasn’t crushed. It was smothered until it forgot how to breathe.

Taiwan’s Digital Battleground

Taiwan, however, fights back.

CCP disinformation campaigns generate:

  • Fake videos
  • Fake accounts
  • Fake news articles
  • Full AI-generated books
  • Coordinated online harassment
  • Election-season chaos operations

But Taiwan has:

  • Fact-checking institutes
  • Digital safety agencies
  • Transparent political advertising laws
  • A hyper-vigilant civil society

And in 2024, despite Beijing pouring resources into interference, Taiwanese voters elected the candidate China feared most.

That result spoke louder than any propaganda.

Identity, Democracy, and the Future

At the heart of this story is a reality both simple and profound:

Hong Kong’s political identity was evolving. Taiwan’s is already built.

Hong Kong’s struggle was heroic but fragile — shaped by colonial history, economic dependency, and a promise China never intended to keep.

Taiwan’s identity is rooted in lived experience:

  • Democratic elections
  • Free speech
  • Passports unbound by Beijing
  • A generation raised entirely outside PRC rule

To many Taiwanese, China is not a homeland. It’s a warning.

Hong Kong made that warning impossible to ignore.

The Road Ahead

So will Taiwan share Hong Kong’s fate?

Nobody knows — and anyone who claims certainty is selling something.

What we can say is this:

  • Taiwan is better armed
  • Better supported internationally
  • More strategically valuable
  • More politically cohesive
  • More culturally distinct
  • More resilient
  • More prepared

But China is growing more assertive, more nationalistic, and more willing to absorb international backlash.

Xi Jinping wants Taiwan for his legacy the way some leaders want monuments. The question is whether he acts before the military balance shifts — or before internal pressures force his hand.

Taiwan, meanwhile, stands at a crossroads few nations ever face: between its fragile present and a future that could redefine global power structures.

One thing is clear: Taiwanese democracy is alive because its people insist on keeping it that way. And for all Beijing’s leverage, disinformation, and muscle, that democratic will remains the obstacle China has not yet figured out how to overcome.

Not in Hong Kong.

Not in Taiwan.

Not yet.

GeneralModernWorld History

About the Creator

Lawrence Lease

Alaska born and bred, Washington DC is my home. I'm also a freelance writer. Love politics and history.

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