Plato's Republic

The concept of social class division according to the ancient Greek philosopher Plato in his work "The Republic" provides an interesting perspective for understanding the phenomenon of placing active military and police personnel in civilian positions in Indonesia. How can a philosophical work written more than 2,400 years ago help us analyze the practice of the military's dual function and its impact on modern democracy? Let us examine this more deeply using philosophical, historical, and sociological approaches to gain a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon.
Plato's Social Class Division
In his magnum opus "The Republic," Plato outlines his vision of an ideal state through dialogues between Socrates and other thinkers. One of the most fundamental aspects of Plato's thought is his concept of dividing society into three main classes, each with clearly defined roles and responsibilities:

Philosopher-Kings
The Philosopher-Kings in Plato's conception are not ordinary rulers. They are individuals who have achieved enlightenment through intensive philosophical education and are capable of understanding the perfect forms of justice and goodness (the Form of the Good). Plato believed that only those who love wisdom (philo-sophia) are worthy of leading the state.
The education process for Philosopher-Kings includes training in mathematics, astronomy, geometry, and ultimately dialectics or philosophy. This education continues until they reach the age of 50, at which point they are deemed ready to rule. Plato viewed the ideal leader as having a "golden soul" — a soul filled with wisdom and capable of seeing the highest truth.
In the modern context, Philosopher-Kings can be analogized to civilian leaders who possess integrity, wisdom, and deep knowledge of governance. They represent civilian authority that carries out leadership functions and policy-making.

Guardians
The Guardian class in Plato's system consists of individuals with "silver souls" — brave, strong, and possessing high spirit (thumos). They are tasked with protecting the state from external threats and maintaining internal order. Plato believed that Guardians should be specially trained in the art of war and live an ascetic lifestyle under strict regulation.
The Guardians' lives are designed to eliminate temptations of corruption or abuse of power. They are not allowed to own private property, live together in barracks, and even their children are raised collectively by the state to eliminate nepotism. Plato believed that by eliminating private interests, Guardians would be entirely devoted to the interests of the state.
In the modern context, Guardians can be identified as military and police institutions tasked with maintaining security and order. As in Plato's concept, they ideally have high loyalty to the state and perform protective functions without interfering in governmental affairs.

Producers
The third class consists of Producers who possess "bronze souls" — those who perform economic functions in society. This group includes farmers, craftsmen, merchants, and all professions that produce goods and services for the needs of society.
Although Plato did not give as much attention to this class as to the first two, he viewed Producers as having a vital role in providing material needs for the state. They were expected to perform economic functions efficiently and comply with rules established by the Philosopher-Kings.
In contemporary society, Producers encompass the private sector, civil servants (technical bureaucrats), and various professions that support the economic and administrative functions of the state.

Justice According to Plato: Harmony Through Role Specialization
The core of Plato's concept of justice is the principle of "each performing its own function" (ta heautou prattein). Justice is realized when each class in society focuses on its own role and does not interfere with the roles of other classes. Plato likened the ideal state to a healthy soul, where each part performs its function harmoniously.
Plato emphasized that inter-class intervention would result in disharmony and injustice. For example, if the Guardian class (military) took over the function of the Philosopher-Kings (civilian leaders), or if the Philosopher-Kings lacked the wisdom necessary to lead, then the state would experience imbalance.
This thinking becomes relevant when we analyze the phenomenon of the military's dual function and the placement of military and police personnel in civilian positions in Indonesia. Within the Platonic framework, such practices can be viewed as a mixing of roles that potentially disrupts the ideal socio-political balance.


The Military's Dual Function: History, Implementation, and Political Legacy

Origins and Doctrinal Foundation
The Dual Function doctrine of ABRI (Indonesian Armed Forces) has complex historical roots in Indonesia's independence struggle. Unlike militaries in many Western countries that were formed to protect the state from external threats, the Indonesian military was born from a revolutionary struggle against colonialism. This experience shaped the identity of the Indonesian military as a "people's army" that performs not only defense functions but also socio-political functions.
Formally, the Dual Function concept was introduced by General A.H. Nasution in 1958 through the "Middle Way" concept. Nasution proposed that the Indonesian military should not be a power tool as in Western countries, but also should not directly take over the government. Instead, the military should take a "middle way" by participating in socio-political life to maintain state stability.
This doctrine gained formal legitimacy during the New Order regime under President Soeharto. In MPRS Decree No.XXIV/MPRS/1966, ABRI's role as both a defense and socio-political force received constitutional recognition. The Dual Function then became a main pillar in Indonesian politics for more than three decades.

Implementation and Manifestation
The implementation of ABRI's Dual Function during the New Order was extensive and had a profound impact on Indonesia's political structure. Some of its main manifestations include:
Placement of Military Officers in Civilian Positions: Thousands of active and retired officers were placed in various civilian positions from central to local levels. These included ministerial positions, governors, regents, to department heads and other bureaucratic positions.


ABRI Faction in Parliament: ABRI had a special quota of seats in the DPR/MPRS (later DPR/MPR) without going through general elections. At its peak, ABRI controlled 20% of the seats in parliament.


Military Territorial Structure: ABRI built a territorial command structure parallel to the civilian government structure, from the provincial level (Regional Military Command) to the village level (Village Military Advisors). This structure allowed ABRI to conduct surveillance and intervention in civilian affairs at all levels.


Dominance in Bureaucracy and State-Owned Enterprises: Military officers dominated strategic positions in the bureaucracy and state-owned enterprises, creating an extensive patronage network.


Involvement in Economic Activities: Through foundations and cooperatives, ABRI built business empires covering various economic sectors, from banking to hotels and forestry.


Within Plato's framework, the implementation of ABRI's Dual Function can be seen as a case where the Guardian class (military) took over the functions of the Philosopher-King class (civilian leadership) and even some functions of the Producer class (economic). This situation, according to Plato, would result in imbalance and ultimately injustice in society.

Reform and Legacy of the Dual Function
After the fall of the New Order regime in 1998, Indonesia entered the Reform era marked by democratization efforts in various fields, including security sector reform. One of the reform agendas was the abolition of ABRI's Dual Function and the formation of TNI (Indonesian National Armed Forces) and Polri (Indonesian National Police) as separate institutions that are professional and subject to civilian supremacy.
Some reform steps taken include:
Formal Abolition of the Dual Function: Through MPR Decrees No.VI/MPR/2000 and No.VII/MPR/2000, the Dual Function doctrine was officially abolished, and TNI was directed to focus on defense functions while Polri focused on security and order functions.


Withdrawal of TNI from Practical Politics: TNI no longer has seats in parliament since 2004, and active members are prohibited from holding political positions.


Separation of TNI and Polri: The police were separated from the military and placed directly under the President, not under the Department of Defense.


Military Business Reform: Efforts to take over military businesses by the government began, although implementation has been slow.


Although formal reforms have been made, the legacy of the Dual Function is still felt in contemporary Indonesian politics and governance. Some high-ranking TNI-Polri officers still occupy strategic positions outside defense and security functions, and the military territorial structure is still maintained down to the village level. This phenomenon shows that the transition from a military-dominated state to full civilian supremacy is still an ongoing process in Indonesia.


The Phenomenon of Placing Active TNI-Polri Members in Civilian Positions

Post-Reform Manifestations
Although ABRI's Dual Function has been formally abolished, the phenomenon of placing active TNI-Polri members in civilian positions continues in different forms. Some contemporary manifestations include:
Placement in Ministries and Agencies: A number of high-ranking active TNI-Polri officers are placed in strategic positions in ministries and agencies, such as the State Intelligence Agency (BIN), National Narcotics Agency (BNN), National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT), and other institutions.


Assignments in Local Government: The phenomenon of "acting governors" or "acting regents" from active military or police ranks still occurs, especially in areas considered prone to conflict or approaching local elections.


Placement in Strategic State-Owned Enterprises: Some high-ranking TNI-Polri officers still hold commissioner or even director positions in strategic state-owned enterprises, especially those related to defense and security.


Involvement in Pandemic and Disaster Management: During crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, active TNI-Polri personnel are placed in task force structures for crisis management, sometimes occupying positions traditionally held by civilian officials.


Military Operations Other Than War: TNI is still involved in various non-war operations known as Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW), but in some conditions, MOOTW still plays an important role in supporting development in Indonesia, especially in underdeveloped, frontier, and outermost regions. Thus, it can be an exception and should even be strengthened by improving the skills and competencies of military members, for example in education and development infrastructure.




Implications for Democracy and Governance
The placement of active TNI-Polri members in civilian positions has complex implications for democracy and governance in Indonesia:
Challenges to Civilian Supremacy: This practice potentially blurs the line between civilian and military authority, which is a fundamental principle in modern democracy. In Plato's framework, this is a mixing of roles between the Guardian class and the Philosopher-King class.


Impact on TNI-Polri Professionalism: Involvement in civilian affairs can divert TNI-Polri's focus from their main tasks in defense and security, potentially reducing their professionalism.


Potential Conflicts of Interest: Active officers holding civilian positions face potential loyalty conflicts between military/police institutions and the civilian institutions where they serve.


Militarization of Bureaucracy: The placement of active officers in large numbers can bring military culture and thinking into the civilian bureaucracy, which is not always compatible with democratic public service principles.


Barriers to Civilian Capacity Development: Dependence on TNI-Polri to occupy certain positions can hinder the development of capacity and professionalism of the state civil apparatus.


If analyzed using Plato's framework, this phenomenon can be seen as a disturbance to the ideal balance between classes in society. According to Plato, when one class takes over the function of another class, the state will experience an imbalance that potentially creates injustice and disharmony.


Expert Views from Various Perspectives

Prof. Dr. Franz Magnis-Suseno (Philosopher and Political Ethics)
"A clear separation between military and civilian is not a Western concept imposed on Indonesia, but a prerequisite for the functioning of modern democracy. If we refer to Plato's thinking, he emphasized that every element in the state must perform its respective function to achieve harmony. In the modern context, this means the military focuses on defense, while governance is the civilian domain. However, unlike Plato who emphasized hierarchical stability, modern democracy emphasizes accountability and citizen participation."

Dr. Arbi Sanit (Political Scientist):
"The phenomenon of placing TNI-Polri members in civilian positions reflects the New Order political legacy that has not been fully transformed. Although Plato's concept of three social classes may seem relevant in analyzing this phenomenon, we need to remember that Plato lived in the context of the Greek polis, which is very different from the modern nation-state. Indonesian democracy needs a clearer separation between defense-security functions and civilian governance functions to ensure accountability and prevent abuse of power."

Prof. Dr. Salim Said (Military Observer):
"The placement of active soldiers in civilian positions contradicts the principle of civilian supremacy in democracy. Security sector reform should clearly separate the role of the military as a tool of state defense and the civilian bureaucracy as the administrator of governance. However, we also need to acknowledge that in certain situations, military expertise may be needed. The solution is not to place active personnel in civilian positions, but to improve inter-agency coordination and develop civilian expertise in strategic areas."

Dr. Kusnanto Anggoro (Civil-Military Relations Expert):
"This phenomenon reflects the incomplete military reform in Indonesia. There should be a clear separation between defense functions and governance functions. The military focuses on defense, while governance affairs are entrusted to professional bureaucrats. However, this transition is hampered by historical legacy where the military had a very dominant role and the weak capacity of the civilian bureaucracy in some areas. Plato might view this as a transition period where the Guardian class is still learning to limit itself to its own function, and the Philosopher-King class is still in the process of formation and strengthening."

General (Ret) Agum Gumelar (Former Minister of Defense):
"As a former high-ranking officer who has held civilian positions, I understand the complexity of this issue. TNI-Polri have quality human resources with high discipline that are sometimes needed for certain positions. However, we must move towards higher professionalism, where TNI focuses on defense and Polri on security. The placement of active officers in civilian positions should only be temporary and in special conditions, while continuing to build the capacity of the civilian apparatus."

Prof. Dewi Fortuna Anwar (International Politics Expert):
"From the perspective of modern democracy, military placement in civilian positions creates conflicts of interest and confusing chains of command. Democratic states need a clear separation between civilian and military authorities to maintain accountability. Civilian oversight of the military is an important component in checks and balances. The practice of placing active officers in civilian positions can blur this oversight mechanism. If we refer to Plato's concept, the balance between classes in society is disturbed when there is penetration of one class into another."

Dr. Edy Prasetyono (Strategic and Security Expert):
"There is a dilemma between the need for military expertise in handling certain issues and the principle of civilian supremacy. However, the solution is not to place active personnel in civilian positions, but to increase the capacity of the civilian apparatus and build effective coordination mechanisms. Law No. 34 of 2004 on TNI and Law No. 2 of 2002 on Polri actually already provide clear limitations on the roles and functions of TNI-Polri. What is needed is consistent implementation of these laws and political will from national leaders."

Prof. Dr. Saldi Isra (Constitutional Law Expert):
"From a constitutional perspective, the placement of active TNI-Polri members in civilian positions potentially creates constitutional problems. The post-amendment 1945 Constitution has adopted a more explicit principle of separation of powers, and places TNI-Polri under the power of the President as the holder of governmental power. The placement of active members in civilian positions can create a 'state within a state' where dual loyalty to the original institution and the institution where they serve potentially disrupts democratic governance."


Relevance of Plato's Thought in the Era of Modern Democracy
Although Plato's thinking about the three classes of society offers an interesting analytical framework, it is important to understand the contextual differences between the Greek polis of the 4th century BC and the democratic nation-state of the 21st century.
Plato lived in the context of a relatively small, homogeneous Greek polis with a social structure very different from modern society. His conception of the ideal state was aristocratic, where power was held by "Philosopher-Kings" who were specially selected and trained, not through democratic mechanisms.
In contrast, modern Indonesia is a complex, plural nation-state that adheres to the principles of constitutional democracy. The legitimacy of power derives from popular sovereignty, not from claims about "superior wisdom" as in Plato's conception.
Nevertheless, Plato's basic principle about role specialization and preventing one group's domination over others remains relevant. In the modern context, this is manifested through principles such as separation of powers, checks and balances, and civilian supremacy over the military.
One of the main challenges in applying the principle of civilian supremacy in Indonesia is the still strong perception of military superiority in handling various national problems. The historical legacy where the military played a dominant role in the independence struggle and state development creates cultural legitimacy for military involvement in non-defense affairs.
Another challenge is the capacity of the civilian apparatus that is often viewed as inadequate to handle complex strategic issues. Instead of strengthening civilian apparatus capacity, the shortcut often taken is to place military/police officers in these positions.
From a Platonic perspective, this challenge can be seen as an imbalance in the "education" of the three classes of society. The Philosopher-Kings (civilian leaders) have not received adequate "education" to effectively carry out leadership functions, while the Guardians (military) already have relatively strong educational and organizational structures.

A Middle Way to a New Balance

Both the Platonic approach emphasizing rigid separation between classes and the dual function approach allowing military penetration into the civilian realm have weaknesses in the context of contemporary Indonesia. Perhaps a new "middle way" is needed that acknowledges the complexity of civil-military relations in Indonesia while maintaining the principle of civilian supremacy.
Some elements of this "middle way" may include:
Strengthening Civilian Capacity: Investment in education and training of the state civil apparatus, especially in strategic areas previously dominated by the military.


Clear Coordination Mechanisms: Building effective coordination mechanisms between civilian and military institutions without having to place active officers in civilian positions.


Transition of Military Retirees to Civilian Positions: Allowing military retirees to hold civilian positions through open selection processes, so their expertise can be utilized without sacrificing the principle of civilian supremacy.


Military Education Reform: Including material on civilian supremacy, human rights, and democracy in the military education curriculum to build a shared understanding of the role of each institution.

Effective Parliamentary Oversight: Strengthening the oversight function of parliament over the military and police to ensure accountability and transparency.

Plato might view this "middle way" as an effort to create a new harmony between classes in society, where each class performs its own function while still coordinating for the common good.


Conclusion
The analysis of the phenomenon of placing active TNI-Polri members in civilian positions in Indonesia through the lens of Plato's thinking in "The Republic" provides an interesting philosophical perspective. Plato's concept of three classes of society and the principle that justice is realized when each class performs its own function reminds us of the importance of separation of roles between military and civilian in the modern democratic state.
Although Indonesia's historical and socio-political context is far different from the Greek polis that was the background of Plato's thinking, the basic principle of functional specialization and preventing one group's domination over others remains relevant. In the framework of modern democracy, this principle is manifested through the doctrine of civilian supremacy and security sector reform that clearly separates defense-security functions and governance functions.
The challenge for Indonesia is to find the right balance between utilizing the expertise and experience of TNI-Polri on one hand, and maintaining the principle of civilian supremacy on the other. The solution is not to return to the dual function model, but to strengthen the capacity of the civilian apparatus, build effective coordination mechanisms, and gradually reduce dependence on placing active officers in civilian positions.
As with Plato's vision of a harmonious ideal state, Indonesia needs to continue moving towards a new balance in civil-military relations that guarantees the professionalism of TNI-Polri as tools of defense and security, while ensuring that governance is carried out by competent and accountable civilian apparatus. Only then can the principle of popular sovereignty that forms the foundation of Indonesian democracy be fully realized.