advanced position of Russian imperialism
The common classification of totalitarian colonial regimes keeps many from describing Russian policy in the era of Vladimir Putin as imperialism,

The common classification of totalitarian colonial regimes keeps many from describing Russian policy in the era of Vladimir Putin as imperialism, although it has become more than a phenomenon and closer to its practical embodiment in the last decade of this century, the Soviet and Arab left previously embraced the term against the policies of America and the West around the world. Overshadowed by the policy of hegemony, power, and subjugation of states and peoples, from the end of the nineteenth century until the beginning of this century, the unilateral imperialist behavior remained dependent on the policies of the United States and its allies, until the collapse of the Eastern bloc and its liberation from Soviet domination, and the fall of the Berlin Wall in the early nineties of the last century contributed By dominating the world, a single pole that America has established in the Arab region and around the world in the policies of imposing hegemony, force, direct occupation, and imposing dictates on countries and peoples.
Domination range
And when we move to the other side, which was theoretically “resisting” to these policies and was led by Moscow and its Marxist ideology in the decades of the communist era, until it found itself outside the scope of imposing hegemony and its historical failure to achieve goals similar to imperialist control, the Russian influence did not find the way to redefine itself as a second pole in The world is nothing but imitating the same imperialist behavior and policy, which took its ugliest forms during the reign of Vladimir Putin by implementing an agenda that excels in some points on the Syrian arena with what the imperialism of America and the West practiced in several regions around the world.
The growth of Russian colonial motives from the Syrian and Ukrainian gates, to return to the imperialist theater is based on Putin’s desire to achieve the equation of sharing hegemony under the pretext of defending Russia’s economic, political and security interests. Terrorism, at its highest level, is the oppressive power of a superpower, in Syria today, with superfluous proofs of the experience of this force, the practice of a policy of mass destruction and direct occupation, as well as undermining the aspirations of the Syrian people for freedom, dignity and citizenship, and aborting all international resolutions calling for stopping killing and destruction, and supporting dictatorships. Arab and military systems, alliance and coordination with the Israeli enemy.
Cesarean dreams
Moscow’s Israeli, Georgian, Chechen, and Syrian policy, with its general and main lines in Ukraine today, converge all the colonial capabilities that define the Russian concept that is imitated in a barbaric manner by American imperialism around the world, and the process of recognizing the separatist regions in Ukraine comes as a violent reaction to the confiscation and falsification of history, the suppression of freedoms and democracy and to restore the position of dreams The Russian “tsarism” promoted by Putin from the perspective of the threat to him from NATO, and now in light of the scene that is being drawn before us in Europe today on the impact of the display of Russian power, in contrast to the scene of the Arab world and the impact of Russian policy in aborting the Arab revolutions under the pretext of fighting terrorism and preserving “The State and its National Territory”
The practice of Russian terrorism
In Syria, a shorthand for the practice of Russian terrorism on the Syrian people using imperialist propaganda, in return for analyzing support for the disintegration of other countries and support for separatists with direct terrorism by a superpower armed with well-trained guerrilla skills with crude and crude behavior in international organizations and the use of the veto to condemn the crimes of the dictatorial regimes, and Moscow’s practice of imperialist looting in Syria and its imposition of military and economic acquiescence agreements with the Syrian regime, this only brings us back to the conduct of the United States since the beginning of the last century around the world.
The current conflict between Moscow imperialism and the imperialism of America and its allies is based on one view of hypocrisy and pretexts. Imperialist recognition of hegemony and achieving interests has nothing to do with the sovereignty of states and the interests of peoples and the defense of international and humanitarian law. The policy of “let them talk and let us work” in Syria is a crude example From this policy that was left in favor of the expansion of Russian power, and in maintaining the regime’s brutality and existence, and the explicit American recognition of the Israeli occupier’s control of Jerusalem and the Golan Heights and the legitimacy of settlement and absolute support for Israel, the conditions of Western condemnation of Moscow’s recognition of the independence of Ossetia and the annexation of the Crimea, and finally the recognition of the independence of the regions, weaken separatism in Ukraine or stop the Russian threat to invade Ukraine.
Finally, some press of the repressive regimes in the Arab world like to comment on Vladimir Putin’s arrogance and Moscow’s muscles in support of its brutality, and some of Moscow’s orphans from the Arab left like to look forward to Moscow’s behavior in Ukraine and before it in Syria as a savior for it from a historical and moral predicament, which will not be recovered under pretexts Whenever one examines it, one finds in its essence nothing but the American spirit imbued with imperialism and hegemony. It is correct that Moscow sits on it, on the side of those it claims to oppose, and imitates literally all the ugliness it has complained about.



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