What caused the Rwandan Genocide?

In 1994, Rwanda was an African nation that

a terrible campaign of mass murder.

As the area descended into violence, neighbors turned on one another.

over ten percent of the inhabitants of the country perished as a result.

One hundred years ago, the seeds of this conflict were planted.

first when colonists from Germany and then Belgium arrived in the nation.

At the time, Rwanda was governed by a Tutsi monarchy.

an ethnic group from one of the three that make up the population.

Minority groups included the Tutsi and the even smaller Twa populations.

while the bulk were Hutu.

Many civilians from both Hutus and Tutsis got along well.

however, colonial powers promoted political polarization.

Belgians mandated the preservation of records regarding ethnicity,

They developed a public narrative that portrayed Tutsis as powerful elites.

and Hutu, who are common farmers.

This misinformation eventually sparked a great deal of political animosity.

Additionally, even if colonial powers had mostly left by 1959,

simmering resentment led to a Hutu uprising,

pushing a lot of Tutsi leaders to leave the nation.

The following ten years

An independent Hutu-run republic was established in Rwanda.

According to the current administration, the majority of people,

Hutu deserved to hold all political sway.

By designating positions for the minority Tutsi based on population, they excluded them.

and forbade the reunification of families of Tutsi who had fled decades previously.

Additionally, Hutu radicals spread propaganda.

Tutsi being held responsible for the nation's political, social, and economic issues.

Unhappy with their exiled existence,

In 1990, a small band of Tutsi insurgents invaded Rwanda.

starting a bloody civil war.

The conflict lasted three years before it was resolved with a formal peace accord.

But the war’s aftermath was rife with insecurity.

While some civilians from both sides maintained their amity,

the treaty intensified political polarization.

And in 1994, following the downing of a plane carrying the Hutu president of Rwanda,

The conflict erupted once more.

This time, Hutu officials had prepared a deadly response

to ensure they stayed in power.

Working off a list of targets,

government-funded Hutu militias flooded the streets,

committing violent crimes, both physical and sexual

against Tutsi political enemies and civilians.

Over the chaotic following months,

over 1 million Hutu civilians joined their ranks due to coercion,

self-preservation, or the pursuit of personal agendas.

Tutsi victims sought refuge at churches and schools

where they hoped international organizations would protect them,

but no outside party came to their aid.

UN soldiers who’d overseen the Peace Accord

were instructed to abandon Tutsi civilians,

and UN leadership refused to acknowledge the genocide taking place.

The violence didn’t end until mid-July,

when the Tutsi army— who instigated the previous civil war—

seized control of the country.

By the time the fighting was over,

roughly 800,000 Rwandans had been killed,

and only a small fraction of the Tutsi population was left alive.

In the months that followed,

there was no easy strategy for bringing the killers to justice.

The UN established a special tribunal in Tanzania to try the key perpetrators.

But Hutu civilians from every level of society had committed atrocities

against their neighbors, friends, and even family members.

There were roughly 120,000 Rwandans awaiting trial,

and inmates were dying from overcrowding and poor hygiene.

The new Rwandan government estimated it would take 100 years to prosecute

every accused civilian in national court.

So officials determined the best path forward involved

looking to the country’s past.

Rwanda has a traditional process

for resolving interpersonal conflicts called gacaca.

Roughly translating to “justice on the grass,”

gacaca had long been used to address offenses within villages.

Local witnesses would offer testimony

and could then speak for or against the accused.

Then, appointed lay judges would determine an appropriate penalty

within the community’s means.

In the hope of trying perpetrators more quickly,

the government adapted gacaca for their formal courts.

These hybrid trials had no professional attorneys or judges,

and no evidence outside the spoken word

and a case file detailing the crimes of the accused.

All charges were then divided into four categories:

masterminding the genocide and committing acts of sexual violence,

participating in the killings, physical assault,

or destroying Tutsi property.

Those found guilty of the first two categories

were entered into the traditional court system,

but the other crimes were assigned set penalties

which could be reduced if the accused pled guilty.

Beginning in 2002, thousands of gacaca courts convened every week.

The process proved faster than conventional courts,

but Rwandan opinion on the trials was mixed.

Some didn’t want to accuse their neighbors in a community setting,

and many potential witnesses were intimidated to prevent their testimony.

Additionally, while the trial showed that not all Hutu participated in the killings,

the courts only reviewed cases with Tutsi victims,

ignoring the Hutu casualties incurred during the genocide

and the preceding civil war.

When the trials concluded in 2012,

the courts had convicted 1.7 million individuals.

For some families, these verdicts helped restore the dignity

of those lost in the violence.

For others, the trials were a decade-long reminder

of a past they were desperate to leave behind.

For 100 days in 1994, the African country of Rwanda

suffered a horrific campaign of mass murder.

Neighbor turned against neighbor as violence engulfed the region,

resulting in the deaths of over one-tenth of the country’s population.

The seeds of this conflict were planted a century earlier,

first when German, and later Belgian, colonizers arrived in the country.

At the time, Rwanda was ruled by a monarchy of Tutsi,

one of the three ethnic groups comprising the population.

Tutsi and the even smaller Twa communities were minority groups,

while Hutu composed the majority.

Many Hutus and Tutsi civilians were on good terms,

but colonial powers encouraged political division.

Belgians enforced record keeping around ethnic identity,

and created a public narrative that cast Tutsi as elite rulers

and Hutu as ordinary farmers.

Over time, this propaganda led to intense political hostility.

And while colonial powers had largely withdrawn by 1959,

lingering anger motivated a Hutu revolt,

forcing many Tutsi leaders to flee the country.

Over the following decade,

Rwanda transitioned to an independent republic with a Hutu government.

This new administration argued that as the majority group,

Hutu deserved exclusive access to political power.

They excluded the Tutsi minority by appointing offices based on population

and prohibited the return of Tutsi families that had fled years earlier.

Hutu extremists also circulated propaganda

blaming Tutsi for the country’s economic, social, and political problems.

Discontent with their life in exile,

a small group of Tutsi insurgents invaded Rwanda in 1990,

beginning a violent civil war.

The conflict lasted three years before it was resolved with a formal peace accord.

But the war’s aftermath was rife with insecurity.

While some civilians in both groups remained amicable,

the treaty intensified political polarization.

And in 1994, when a plane carrying the Hutu Rwandan president was shot down,

the conflict broke out anew.

This time, Hutu officials had prepared a deadly response

to ensure they stayed in power.

Working off a list of targets,

government-funded Hutu militias flooded the streets,

perpetrating acts of physical and sexual violence

against Tutsi political enemies and civilians.

Over the chaotic following months,

over 1 million Hutu civilians joined their ranks due to coercion,

self-preservation, or the pursuit of personal agendas.

Tutsi victims sought refuge at churches and schools

where they hoped international organizations would protect them,

but no outside party came to their aid.

UN soldiers who’d overseen the Peace Accord

were instructed to abandon Tutsi civilians,

and UN leadership refused to acknowledge the genocide taking place.

The violence didn’t end until mid-July,

when the Tutsi army— who instigated the previous civil war—

seized control of the country.

By the time the fighting was over,

roughly 800,000 Rwandans had been killed,

and only a small fraction of the Tutsi population was left alive.

In the months that followed,

there was no easy strategy for bringing the killers to justice.

The UN established a special tribunal in Tanzania to try the key perpetrators.

But Hutu civilians from every level of society had committed atrocities

against their neighbors, friends, and even family members.

There were roughly 120,000 Rwandans awaiting trial,

and inmates were dying from overcrowding and poor hygiene.

The new Rwandan government estimated it would take 100 years to prosecute

every accused civilian in national court.

So officials determined the best path forward involved

looking to the country’s past.

Rwanda has a traditional process

for resolving interpersonal conflicts called gacaca.

Roughly translating to “justice on the grass,”

gacaca had long been used to address offenses within villages.

Local witnesses would offer testimony

and could then speak for or against the accused.

Then, appointed lay judges would determine an appropriate penalty

within the community’s means.

In the hope of trying perpetrators more quickly,

the government adapted gacaca for their formal courts.

These hybrid trials had no professional attorneys or judges,

and no evidence outside the spoken word

and a case file detailing the crimes of the accused.

All charges were then divided into four categories:

masterminding the genocide and committing acts of sexual violence,

participating in the killings, physical assault,

or destroying Tutsi property.

Those found guilty of the first two categories

were entered into the traditional court system,

but the other crimes were assigned set penalties

which could be reduced if the accused pled guilty.

Beginning in 2002, thousands of gacaca courts convened every week.

The process proved faster than conventional courts,

but Rwandan opinion on the trials was mixed.

Some didn’t want to accuse their neighbors in a community setting,

and many potential witnesses were intimidated to prevent their testimony.

Additionally, while the trial showed that not all Hutu participated in the killings,

the courts only reviewed cases with Tutsi victims,

ignoring the Hutu casualties incurred during the genocide

and the preceding civil war.

When the trials concluded in 2012,

the courts had convicted 1.7 million individuals.

For some families, these verdicts helped restore the dignity

of those lost in the violence.

For others, the trials were a decade-long reminder

of a past they were desperate to leave behind.

For 100 days in 1994, the African country of Rwanda

suffered a horrific campaign of mass murder.

Neighbor turned against neighbor as violence engulfed the region,

resulting in the deaths of over one-tenth of the country’s population.

The seeds of this conflict were planted a century earlier,

first when German, and later Belgian, colonizers arrived in the country.

At the time, Rwanda was ruled by a monarchy of Tutsi,

one of the three ethnic groups comprising the population.

Tutsi and the even smaller Twa communities were minority groups,

while Hutu composed the majority.

Many Hutus and Tutsi civilians were on good terms,

but colonial powers encouraged political division.

Belgians enforced record keeping around ethnic identity,

and created a public narrative that cast Tutsi as elite rulers

and Hutu as ordinary farmers.

Over time, this propaganda led to intense political hostility.

And while colonial powers had largely withdrawn by 1959,

lingering anger motivated a Hutu revolt,

forcing many Tutsi leaders to flee the country.

Over the following decade,

Rwanda transitioned to an independent republic with a Hutu government.

This new administration argued that as the majority group,

Hutu deserved exclusive access to political power.

They excluded the Tutsi minority by appointing offices based on population

and prohibited the return of Tutsi families that had fled years earlier.

Hutu extremists also circulated propaganda

blaming Tutsi for the country’s economic, social, and political problems.

Discontent with their life in exile,

a small group of Tutsi insurgents invaded Rwanda in 1990,

beginning a violent civil war.

The conflict lasted three years before it was resolved with a formal peace accord.

But the war’s aftermath was rife with insecurity.

While some civilians in both groups remained amicable,

the treaty intensified political polarization.

And in 1994, when a plane carrying the Hutu Rwandan president was shot down,

the conflict broke out anew.

This time, Hutu officials had prepared a deadly response

to ensure they stayed in power.

Working off a list of targets,

government-funded Hutu militias flooded the streets,

perpetrating acts of physical and sexual violence

against Tutsi political enemies and civilians.

Over the chaotic following months,

over 1 million Hutu civilians joined their ranks due to coercion,

self-preservation, or the pursuit of personal agendas.

Tutsi victims sought refuge at churches and schools

where they hoped international organizations would protect them,

but no outside party came to their aid.

UN soldiers who’d overseen the Peace Accord

were instructed to abandon Tutsi civilians,

and UN leadership refused to acknowledge the genocide taking place.

The violence didn’t end until mid-July,

when the Tutsi army— who instigated the previous civil war—

seized control of the country.

By the time the fighting was over,

roughly 800,000 Rwandans had been killed,

and only a small fraction of the Tutsi population was left alive.

In the months that followed,

there was no easy strategy for bringing the killers to justice.

The UN established a special tribunal in Tanzania to try the key perpetrators.

But Hutu civilians from every level of society had committed atrocities

against their neighbors, friends, and even family members.

There were roughly 120,000 Rwandans awaiting trial,

and inmates were dying from overcrowding and poor hygiene.

The new Rwandan government estimated it would take 100 years to prosecute

every accused civilian in national court.

So officials determined the best path forward involved

looking to the country’s past.

Rwanda has a traditional process

for resolving interpersonal conflicts called gacaca.

Roughly translating to “justice on the grass,”

gacaca had long been used to address offenses within villages.

Local witnesses would offer testimony

and could then speak for or against the accused.

Then, appointed lay judges would determine an appropriate penalty

within the community’s means.

In the hope of trying perpetrators more quickly,

the government adapted gacaca for their formal courts.

These hybrid trials had no professional attorneys or judges,

and no evidence outside the spoken word

and a case file detailing the crimes of the accused.

All charges were then divided into four categories:

masterminding the genocide and committing acts of sexual violence,

participating in the killings, physical assault,

or destroying Tutsi property.

Those found guilty of the first two categories

were entered into the traditional court system,

but the other crimes were assigned set penalties

which could be reduced if the accused pled guilty.

Beginning in 2002, thousands of gacaca courts convened every week.

The process proved faster than conventional courts,

but Rwandan opinion on the trials was mixed.

Some didn’t want to accuse their neighbors in a community setting,

and many potential witnesses were intimidated to prevent their testimony.

Additionally, while the trial showed that not all Hutu participated in the killings,

the courts only reviewed cases with Tutsi victims,

ignoring the Hutu casualties incurred during the genocide

and the preceding civil war.

When the trials concluded in 2012,

the courts had convicted 1.7 million individuals.

For some families, these verdicts helped restore the dignity

of those lost in the violence.

For others, the trials were a decade-long reminder

of a past they were desperate to leave behind. Thanks for reading like and share for more